"Cap-and-Trade" Caps California's Climate Change Regulations

On October 20, 2011, the California Air Resources Board (“CARB”) adopted a new set of rules, called “cap-and-trade,” implementing the requirements of AB32, California’s groundbreaking climate change law. Enacted in 2006, AB32 requires reduction in carbon emissions, usually credited as the cause of “global warming,” to 1990 levels by the year 2020. The new cap-and-trade regulations will be implemented in phases, with the State’s largest emitters required to meet the caps beginning in 2013; and remaining emitters, collectively about 85%, required to begin compliance in 2015.

Essentially, the cap-and-trade program began with the establishment of maximum emissions benchmarks or “caps” for each category of major emitting industry sector, derived from a three year study of emissions data from the largest industry sectors. Businesses will be allowed to emit up to 90% of those benchmarks (“Carbon Allowance”) in the first year. If a company operates efficiently, and below the “cap,” it may sell its excess as a Carbon Allowance on the market to industries unable to reduce their own carbon emissions.

While it sounds relatively simple, there will be additional government regulations involved, as well as private businesses who will benefit from the new system. While CARB will operate the market, it will have to retain auction hosts and monitors to operate the system which could handle as much as $10 billion in Carbon Allowances by the year 2016.

Moreover, there are perceived to be significant downsides to the system. Emitting industries are not overly enthusiastic, because of the increased regulation and higher emissions standards in the form of caps, which may make it more expensive for them to operate in California. According to the Legislative Analyst’s Office independent review, some industries will likely leave the State, and jobs be lost, as a result of the new “cap-and-trade” program.

Environmentalists are not wild about the system either, because they believe it does not reduce emissions, but merely transfers the right to emit. What is certain is that California is once more in the forefront of environmental regulation, for good or ill, in the nationwide effort to limit emissions of greenhouse gases.
 

Preemption Rears its Head Again in Federal Common Law and Nuisance Climate Change Challenge

A Federal Court has recently thrown open the door to potential civil challenges to both private and governmental sources of greenhouse gas emissions, based on the Federal common law of nuisance. For those who believe the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has acted too slowly in promulgating greenhouse gas regulation, civil actions are now possible at least in the Second Circuit. However, the Supreme Court may now scrutinize the Second Circuit’s decision. Based on a recent Fourth Circuit decision on a similar issue, the “Nine” may be tempted to follow in Moses’ footsteps and pare down the Second Circuit decision to apply only to greenhouse gas emissions from Federal projects.

 

To the surprise of all parties, and, no doubt, the glee of defendants, one of which is the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) (both a government agency and a private corporation), the United States Solicitor General joined with defendants in petitioning the United States Supreme Court for review of the Second Circuit’s decision in AEP v. Connecticut, et al., 582 F.3d 309 (2nd Cir. 2009). In that case, the governmental and environmental plaintiffs (plaintiffs include the States of Connecticut, New York, California, Iowa, New Jersey, Rhode Island, Vermont, Wisconsin, the City of New York, The Open Space Institute, The Open Space Conservancy, and the Audubon Society of New Hampshire) had claimed, in two consolidated actions brought originally in the Southern District of New York that defendants’ (American Electric Power Company, American Electric Power Service Company, The Southern Company, XCel Energy, Inc., Synergy Corp. and TVA) combined annual emissions of 650 million tons per year of carbon dioxide contribute to global warming, and, thus, constitute a public nuisance. The District Court dismissed both lawsuits on the principal ground that the case presents a non-justiciable question of governmental policy.

The Second Circuit, however, overturned the District Court’s decision on, among other grounds: (1) plaintiffs’ claims were not preempted by statute or regulation; (2) in the absence of a statute and/or regulation completely occupying the field of climate change, the Federal common law of nuisance governs and plaintiffs had adequately stated a claim under it; and (3) the case did not present a non-justiciable Federal question.

One of the threshold questions for the Supreme Court must be whether the Congress or the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has, in fact, so completely occupied the field of climate change that there is no room left for the common law. Preemption exists where Congress has expressed its intent to occupy the entire field through specific statutes and/or regulations, or, over time, Congress or the agency granted authority to regulate in a specific area have so completely legislated and regulated the field that there is no room for state or local regulation. City of Burbank v. Lockheed Air Terminal, 411 U.S. 624, 638-639 (1973).

The Solicitor General argued in his brief that just such an occupation of the field had taken place since the District Court’s decision, where EPA has: (1) found that greenhouse gas emissions for motor vehicles “endanger the public health and welfare” and should be regulated under the Clean Air Act [endangerment finding], endangerment and cause or contribute findings for greenhouse gases under section 202(a) of the Clean Air Act, 74 Fed.Reg. 66,496 (December 15, 2009); (2) issued a final rule establishing CO2 emissions standards for automobiles, Light Duty Vehicle Greenhouse Gas Emission Standards and Corporate Average Fuel Economy Standards, 75 Fed.Reg. 25,324 (May 7, 2010); and (3) promulgated rules establishing emissions standards for stationary sources which have not yet been finalized, prevention of significant deterioration and Title V Greenhouse Gas Tailoring Rule, 75 Fed.Reg. 31,514 (June 3, 2010).

If it accepts certiorari, the Supreme Court will most likely be looking at the somewhat inconsistent decisions of the Second and Fourth Circuits in this area. In a ruling in August, 2010, the Fourth Circuit in North Carolina v. Tennessee Valley Authority, ____ F.3d ___, 2010 W.L. 2891572 (4th Cir. July 26, 2010), considered the argument of plaintiffs in that case that emissions of the seven criteria pollutants (including VOC or NOx, Ozone, Sulfur Dioxide, Nitrogen Dioxide, Carbon Monoxide, PM10, PM2.5 ) from TVA installations, currently regulated by the EPA under the conformity provision of the Clean Air Act, 42 U.S.C. section 7506, and 40 C.F.R. section 93.150, et seq., constitutes a public nuisance. Predictably, the Fourth Circuit found, among other things, that substantial regulation had already been promulgated at the Federal level for the control of criteria pollutants from Federal projects, and that to allow public nuisance doctrine to supercede the comprehensive regulatory regimen would lead to a “Balkanization of clean air regulations and a confused patchwork of standards.” North Carolina, supra, 2010 W.L. 2891572 at 1. The Fourth Circuit case did not implicate greenhouse gas emissions, either from Federal or private sources.

If the defendants/petitioners in AEP are looking to the Fourth Circuit decision for the “conflict among Circuits” threshold to Supreme Court review, their reliance may be misplaced, because a gap in Federal regulations, and thus preemption, persists with respect to the regulation of greenhouse gases emitted by Federal projects such as TVA. As greenhouse gases are defined to include pollutants other than the seven criteria pollutants, greenhouse gas regulation may not be fully preempted by the conformity provision. Therefore, the decisions of the Second Circuit in AEP and of the Fourth Circuit in North Carolina may, in fact, be consistent, because while EPA has fully regulated criteria pollutants, it has not yet regulated greenhouse gases in the context of conformity.

In short, a window appears to remain open to bring challenges to greenhouse gas impacts from Federal projects under the Federal common law of nuisance. The window will remain open until EPA supplements its conformity regulation, 40 C.F.R. section 93.150, et seq., for greenhouse gases. This opportunity is, of course, cold comfort to the State of Connecticut and its co-petitioners who are hoping to obtain an avenue of relief from private as well as public emissions sources.

Senate Narrowly Turns Down Sen. Murkowski's (R-AK) Attempt to Overrule EPA's Greenhouse Gas Rules

After all of the debate was over, both on the Senate floor and in the press, it boiled down to a party line vote - again, with six Democrats crossing over to vote for the other side. As Jim Abrams of The Associated Press reported:

The defeated resolution would have denied the Environmental Protection Agency the authority to move ahead with [its] rules [requiring permits for greenhouse gas emissions (“the tailoring rule”)], crafted under the federal Clean Air Act. With President Barack Obama’s broader clean energy legislation struggling to gain a foothold in the Senate, the vote took on greater significance as a signal of where lawmakers stand on dealing with climate change.
 

Despite Sen. Murkowski’s widely publicized claims that the EPA’s “tailoring rule” “would be an unprecedented - unprecedented - power grab” and claiming that “millions of residential buildings, schools and businesses found in every town in America would shoulder the new costs from cutting carbon,” the EPA was very careful to exclude small sources of greenhouse gas emissions by setting the threshold for reporting at 25,000 tons per year.

Some pundits are now arguing that the vote signals support for the Kerry-Lieberman-Graham energy-climate bill, although that support might be in the form of a compromise. This vote may allow “green-leaning” Republicans to get back into the game and negotiate even greater provisions on behalf of their constituents in return for offering the decisive votes needed to support passage.

Also on the agenda is Sen. Jay Rockefeller’s (one of the six Democratic defectors) bill that would postpone the EPA’s authority under the Clean Air Act for two years. Presumably, this would give the Congress enough to time to work out a legislative fix for greenhouse gas emissions. This compromise measure has much broader support than the Murkowski resolution. Sen. James Webb, a Democratic Senator from Virginia who voted against the Murkowski resolution, said that he would support the Rockefeller legislation: “I do not believe that Congress should cede its authority over an issue as important as climate change to unelected officials of the Executive Branch.”

While the dust may be settling on the Murkowski resolution, EPA’s authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions is still in up in the air.