What Does EPA's Finding that Greenhouse Gas Emissions Endanger Public Health and the Environment Mean to Business?

When the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency issued its final finding that emission of six greenhouse gases endangered the public’s health and the environment because of their effect on climate change, the business community wondered how it should respond to the news.  At first glance, there seems to be blinding maze of legal and policy issues that will affect business decisions.  Although far from clear, there is a way out of the maze – although businesses with significant greenhouse gas emissions should be prepared to tackle the important issues that the Endangerment Finding raises.

Businesses Need to Take a Deep Breath (Irony Intended)

The road to the endangerment finding began in 2007, when the U.S. Supreme Court decided in Massachusetts v. EPA that carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases constituted “air pollutants” under the Clean Air Act.  To most savvy businessmen this was a clear signal to start planning how their businesses would cope with the establishment of limits on emission of greenhouse gases.  Although the Bush Administration EPA successfully sat on the issue, when the Obama Administration took office, most companies recognized that an endangerment finding would top the EPA’s list of major environmental actions.  Thus, EPA’s announcement this past April of its proposed finding and its announcement of the final endangerment finding should have come as no surprise to anyone who has been monitoring this issue.

The key thing for businesses to remember is that the endangerment finding by itself does not regulate the emission of greenhouse gases from any source, large or small.  That being said, it does have a direct impact on mobile sources (because of section 202(a) of the Clean Air Act), with the EPA planning on issuing its final “light-duty vehicle” greenhouse gas emissions rule some time in Spring 2010.

When the light-duty vehicle rule is finalized, the GHGs subject to regulation under that rule (i.e., the six greenhouse gases identified in the Endangerment Finding) would become immediately subject to regulation under the PSD program, meaning that from that point forward, prior to constructing any new major source or major modifications that would increase GHGs, a source owner would need to apply for, and a permitting authority would need to issue, a permit under the PSD program that addresses these increases. Similarly, for the Title V operating permit program, it would mean that any new or existing source exceeding the major source applicability level for those regulated GHGs, if it did not have a title V permit already, would have 1 year to submit a title V permit application.

Recognizing this incidental effect, the EPA proposed a “tailoring rule” on September 30, 2009.  In the Tailoring Rule, EPA proposed to set a new threshold of 25,000 metric tons of GHG emissions to define when Clean Air Act permits under the New Source Review and Title V operating permits programs would be required.  The proposed thresholds would “tailor” these permit programs to limit which facilities would be required to obtain permits and would cover nearly 70 percent of the nation’s largest stationary source GHG emitters—including power plants, refineries, and cement production facilities, while shielding small businesses and farms from permitting requirements. Thus, businesses that emit less than 25,000 metric tons of GHG and businesses that currently have a Title V operating permit will not, for the most part, be covered by the Tailoring Rule.

Should Businesses Make Voluntary Reductions in Greenhouse Gas Emissions?

So what should companies do in the meantime?

Many businesses have been evaluating their carbon footprint over the past few years (particularly since the Massachusetts v. EPA decision) and have been looking at ways to reduce GHG emissions. For many companies energy is a cost, and in some cases, greenhouse gases may be a lost resource.  By increasing efficiency, costs are reduced and the business operates better.  For example, the aviation industry loves to trumpet how it is getting “greener,” because it is reducing GHG emissions.  However, that greening has come about by reducing fuel consumption, which became a necessity when fuel prices spiked because fuel costs represent a huge percentage of the aviation industry’s costs.  The result?  Increased fuel efficiency=fewer emissions=reduction in emissions of GHG, with a reduction in fuel costs to top it off.  Moreover, there are ways that would reduce GHG emissions and accrue tax benefits, such as cogeneration or combined heating power.  These types of programs that reduce GHG emissions and accrue a direct benefit to the company’s bottom line should be pursued regardless of the regulatory environment.  The caveat would be that businesses should check in with their environmental law attorney to see if there are any carbon banks or carbon credit systems set up that they could participate in order to get “credit” for any reduction in GHG emissions.

Outside of those programs, however, caution should be taken with respect to taking on projects that would reduce GHG emissions, but represent a net cost to the business.  Many businesses are taking a “wait and see” attitude, relying on their environmental law attorneys to monitor developments, report to them about those developments and assist them in develop strategies and manage the risk.  It is only when the regulatory regime is in place that businesses can assess what changes need to be made to their processes and to their equipment in order to comply with the regulations.  Particularly when the costs to comply are substantial, businesses are going to want to wait until the requirements become fixed before they undertake a far-reaching GHG emission reduction program.

Congressional Outlook:  Who Knows What They Are Up To?

The progress in Congress on new Climate Change legislation is an additional reason for businesses to sit tight.  Since Monday’s Endangerment Finding, most business and industry groups have stated that they would much prefer either one of the bills currently being considered in Congress to regulation by the EPA.  The primary reason for this is the fact that both the Boxer-Kerry bill and the Waxman-Markey bill have “cap-and-trade” provisions, which, although excoriated by the Republicans, are much better for businesses than an EPA-centric “command-and-control” regulatory regime.  A good example of this change of heart is Sen. Mark Pryor (D.Ark.), who was reported as being more willing to consider a cap-and-trade proposal now that the EPA has issued its endangerment finding.

At the same time, the failure to come up with a bill for the President’s approval prior to the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference, the release of the hacked e-mails from East Anglia University’s Climate Research Unit, and the inexorable march of time have led to the Senate going back to the beginning.  Indeed, Sens. Kerry, Lieberman and Graham have put forth a new outline for Climate Change legislation. Thus, it is unlikely that Congress will have anything to offer until after the EPA has finalized the light-duty vehicle regulations, and perhaps after the Tailoring Rule is finalized.

Conclusion: Now Is The Time for Self-Assessment

The upshot of the Endangerment Finding and, for that matter, EPA’s regulation of GHG emissions, is that now would be a good time for businesses to assess just how much GHG emissions they produce.  The potential impact of EPA’s regulation of GHG emissions will be felt by companies that have not been traditionally required to examine their exposure to Clean Air Act regulation.  To state that there is not much clarity as which companies will be affected by the EPA’s Tailoring Rule, for example, is an understatement.  Even the EPA recognizes in its rule that it will need to fine tune it over the years so that does what it is supposed to do.  Thus, the more businesses know about their operations and the amount of GHG they emit, they better they will be able to assess their place in just about any scenario that may come up.

Early Draft of Boxer-Kerry Climate Change Bill Released, Includes Aircraft Emission Provision, But Still Much Work to Be Done

Update 09/30/09 The Boxer-Kerry bill introduced at the press conference this morning - also known as Clean Energy Jobs and American Power Act - dropped the provision requiring the EPA Administrator to promulgate standards for aircraft and aircraft engines.  Instead, it includes a more general provision that

. . . the Administrator may establish provisions for averaging, banking, and trading of greenhouse gas emissions credits within or across classes or categories of motor vehicles and motor vehicle engines, nonroad vehicles and engines (including marine vessels), and aircraft and aircraft engines, to the extent the Administrator determines appropriate and considering the factors appropriate in setting standards under those sections.

In his article that appeared in the New York Times on September 28, 2009, Darren Samuelson stated that Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass) is attempting to move the discussion away from “cap-and-trade” and to focus on “pollution reduction:”

Kerry last week sought to change the vernacular surrounding the climate bill and sell its concepts more broadly, insisting it is not a "cap and trade" proposal but a "pollution reduction" bill. "I don't know what 'cap and trade' means. I don't think the average American does," Kerry said. "This is not a cap-and-trade bill, it's a pollution reduction bill"

The early discussion draft that was released on September 29, 2009, reveals that the “Boxer-Kerry” bill is similar to the HR 2454 (also known as “Waxman-Markey” or “American Climate and Energy Security Act”) which was passed by the House earlier this past summer, most notably, they both “contain the same longer-term emissions limits of 42 percent below 2005 levels by 2030 and an 83 percent cut for 2050.”   http://bit.ly/3TPuk   There are, however, a couple of notable differences.

  1. Boxer-Kerry “diverges from the House measure in its push for a 2020 emissions target of 20 percent, compared with the House's bill's 17 percent limit.” http://bit.ly/3TPuk
  2. In Subtitle D “Carbon Market Assurance,” oversight and assurance of carbon markets are given solely to the “Federal Commodities Trade Commission.”  § 431(b)(1). The working group established in § 431(c) will make its recommendations to the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC).
  3. There is a short Subtitle – “Nuclear and Advanced Technologies,” which covers “nuclear grants and programs,” but nothing else. Although the draft includes a section “Nuclear Waste Research and Development,” it is, for the time being, blank.  Subtitle D, “Nuclear and Advanced Technologies,” §§ 141 and 142.
  4. Boxer-Kerry includes a provision stating that the EPA Administrator shall promulgate greenhouse gas emission standards for aircraft and new aircraft engines. § 821(c).

The early draft also is different from the House Bill for what it does not contain, for example:

  1. Boxer-Kerry does not bar the EPA from considering greenhouse gas emissions from “international indirect land-use changes” when implementing the national biofuels mandate. http://bit.ly/3TPuk
  2. Unlike ACES, Boxer-Kerry does not contain a section that restricts the EPA’s ability to enact climate change regulations. http://bit.ly/3TPuk

Despite these differences, the bulk of the draft Senate bill contains many of the same provisions of ACES. Moreover, this is an early draft of the bill, the completed bill is expected to be released at a Wednesday, September 30, 2009, press conference. As Darren Samuelsohn stated in his New York Times article:

Already last week, several Democratic senators working outside of the Boxer-Kerry camp said their ideas would be melded into the legislation at a later date. "It's going to need a lot of work," said Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio).

Yes, indeed.